The Battle for the Indian Ocean: Geography, Power and the New Maritime Great Game
Recap of Part I: The Ocean That Powers the World
In the first part of this series, we explored why the Indian Ocean has remained the world’s most strategically important maritime theatre for over two millennia. We examined the critical sea lanes that sustain global trade and analysed how China’s expanding network of ports, logistics hubs and strategic partnerships is reshaping the regional balance. In this second part, we turn to the maritime strategies of the United States and Russia before examining why India’s greatest strategic advantage is not simply its growing navy, but its geography.
Part II: America, Russia and India’s Geographic Advantage
While China has steadily expanded its maritime footprint through port infrastructure, logistics hubs and strategic investments, the United States, by contrast, has relied on a very different model. Rather than building an extensive network of commercial ports, Washington maintains its influence through permanent military facilities, expeditionary naval forces and a web of long-standing alliances. This approach has enabled the United States to remain the dominant extra-regional maritime power in the Indian Ocean for decades.
At the centre of this architecture lies Diego Garcia, a strategically located island in the British Indian Ocean Territory. Operated jointly by the United Kingdom and the United States, Diego Garcia is one of Washington’s most important overseas military facilities. Its strategic value was recognised long before the emergence of the Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical construct, underscoring the enduring importance of the Indian Ocean in global military planning. Equipped with a long runway capable of supporting heavy bombers, extensive logistics infrastructure and naval support facilities, the base has served as a critical launch point for operations in the Middle East, Afghanistan and the wider Indo-Pacific.
Its central location enables the United States to rapidly deploy forces across the western and central Indian Ocean without relying exclusively on carrier strike groups. Pre-positioned military equipment and fuel storage further extend operational endurance, making Diego Garcia an indispensable logistics hub during both peacetime and conflict.
Unlike China’s expanding logistics network, however, American maritime power is not dependent on a handful of strategically placed ports. It is reinforced by a global system of alliances and partnerships. Regular naval deployments, multinational exercises such as Exercise Malabar, intelligence sharing and interoperability with partner navies allow the United States to sustain a continuous maritime presence without significantly expanding its permanent overseas footprint.
American naval operations are further supported by the US Fifth Fleet in Bahrain, which oversees security across the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea and parts of the Indian Ocean. Together with the US Seventh Fleet in the Pacific, these commands provide overlapping operational coverage across the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Speculation has periodically surfaced regarding possible American interest in Bangladesh’s St Martin’s Island, particularly following remarks attributed to former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Washington has consistently denied seeking a military presence there, and no credible public evidence supports the existence of such plans.
Rather than pursuing additional permanent bases, Washington appears focused on strengthening defence cooperation with regional partners, improving interoperability and ensuring continued access to existing facilities across the Indo-Pacific.
Russia’s Measured Return to the Indian Ocean
Russia’s presence in the Indian Ocean is often overshadowed by the activities of China and the United States. Nevertheless, Moscow continues to pursue strategic influence through defence diplomacy, arms exports and carefully negotiated logistics arrangements rather than an extensive overseas basing network.
One of the most significant recent developments has been the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Support (RELOS) agreement signed between India and Russia in 2025, which entered into force in January 2026 following ratification by both countries.
The agreement allows reciprocal access to designated military facilities for refuelling, repairs, replenishment, maintenance and logistical support during exercises, port visits, humanitarian assistance and other approved operations. While RELOS does not establish Russian military bases on Indian territory, it substantially improves operational flexibility for both countries.
For Russia, the agreement provides an economical means of extending the endurance of its naval deployments without investing in permanent overseas infrastructure. Russian warships and submarines operating in the Indian Ocean can receive logistical support from Indian facilities, reducing dependence on lengthy supply chains from Russian ports.
India gains reciprocal access to Russian facilities, improving the reach of its own naval deployments while reinforcing a defence partnership that has endured for decades. Given that a substantial portion of India’s naval inventory originates from Russian platforms and technology, enhanced logistical cooperation also contributes to maintenance and operational readiness.
Unlike China’s infrastructure-driven expansion or the United States’ alliance-based architecture, Russia’s strategy reflects the practical constraints imposed by economic resources and geography. It seeks influence through selective partnerships rather than permanent military presence, allowing Moscow to remain strategically relevant in the Indian Ocean despite a comparatively modest naval footprint.
Geography: India’s Greatest Strategic Advantage
For all the attention devoted to naval modernisation and overseas military facilities, one factor continues to shape maritime strategy more than any other: geography.
No amount of defence spending can alter geography, and in the Indian Ocean, this reality works overwhelmingly in India’s favour.
Occupying the central position along the northern rim of the Indian Ocean, India overlooks the principal maritime approaches connecting the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal and the eastern approaches to the Strait of Malacca. Its coastline stretches for more than 7,500 kilometres, while its island territories project India’s strategic reach deep into the surrounding waters.
Unlike extra-regional powers, India does not require a chain of overseas bases to establish a presence in the Indian Ocean. Its strategic advantage begins with proximity. Most of the region’s critical sea lanes pass within operational reach of Indian naval and air assets, allowing New Delhi to monitor, protect and, if necessary, influence maritime activity across vast stretches of the northern Indian Ocean.
Over the past two decades, India has steadily strengthened this natural advantage through sustained naval modernisation. The Indian Navy today operates a balanced force comprising aircraft carriers, guided missile destroyers, stealth frigates, conventional submarines, nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines, amphibious vessels and long-range maritime patrol aircraft. Indigenous shipbuilding programmes have significantly reduced dependence on foreign suppliers while expanding India’s capacity to maintain a modern fleet.
Maritime domain awareness has also become a cornerstone of India’s strategy. Coastal radar chains, satellite surveillance, unmanned systems and information-sharing arrangements with partner nations have improved the Navy’s ability to monitor shipping movements across the region. Combined with long-range aircraft and expanding anti-submarine warfare capabilities, these systems provide India with an increasingly comprehensive operational picture of the surrounding maritime environment.
Yet India’s greatest strategic asset lies beyond its mainland coastline. Hundreds of kilometres to the east, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands occupy one of the most consequential geographical positions in the Indo-Pacific. Their significance extends far beyond territorial administration. They represent India’s most powerful natural advantage in shaping the future balance of power across the eastern Indian Ocean.
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The Battle for the Indian Ocean is a four-part geopolitical analysis tracing the historical evolution, strategic realities and future balance of power across the Indo-Pacific.
✔ Part I: The Ocean That Powers the World
✔ Part II: America, Russia and India’s Geographic Advantage (Current Article)
✔ Part III: The Islands That Could Shape the Indo-Pacific
✔ Part IV: Can India Shape the Future Maritime Balance?
While geography gives India a natural advantage, it is the Andaman and Nicobar Islands that transform this advantage into real strategic influence. In Part III, we examine how these islands, together with the ambitious Great Nicobar Project, could redefine India’s role in the Indo-Pacific and strengthen its ability to monitor some of the world’s busiest sea lanes.
